Between Heaven and Hell – The True Story of Whites in South Africa
Since 1994, South Africa has regressed to third world status. This is a video about the loss of dignity of the white minority who face oppression and humiliation in the new South Africa. A historical look at how South Africa has progressed since the arrival of Jan Van Riebeeck, how the British waged war against the Boers. How apartheid ended at the hands of communist terrorists. Finally, how after 20 years of majority rule how the whites are facing genocide. The picture illustrates the horrors of terrorist acts against the apartheid regime, the killing of innocent people before Mandela became the first democratic president. Follow the rise of Jacob Zuma and the intense corruption that is crippling the nation. It is the story of affirmative action that forced whites out of work and into poverty, and the horrendous murders against farmers. There is the police force, mainly black majority who are corrupt and do nothing to stop crime, corruption, and violence. Observe how the police ignore calls from the white minority in distress. Let us not forget that white students who are attacked just for attending university as the #FeesMustFall protests continue and the majority continue to burn down the educational institutions. How white squatters camps are overcrowded, and children suffer. When people are told how the whites are forced to live in white squatter camps that are overcrowded, they are told they DESERVE IT or MUST LEAVE. Poor white people who do not have enough money to buy a loaf of bread let alone a plane ticket. Watch how the little children suffer. It is estimated that there are 80 white squatter camps in Pretoria alone. The world has fallen silent on the genocide of the whites and so the minority is forced to rot away without food, shelter and water. The world has turned its back on the white minority and the genocide that continues to eliminate all whites. There is a media black out when the minority call for help.
South Africa Today – South Africa News
“State Capture”: How the Gupta Brothers Hijacked South Africa Using Bribes Instead of Bullets
At eight o’clock on a morning ravaged by sharp winds, 300 South African coal miners sat on the stone steps of a makeshift amphitheater on the edge of a soccer field. They hugged themselves against the chill. In the distance, four squat, beige smokestacks rimmed with black were belching up clouds of silent white smoke. A safety sign above the miners’ heads declared, FINGERS DON’T GROW ON TREES. In recent months, with paychecks coming less and less frequently, many of the miners were starving. They were meeting this morning to decide whether to strike. As they listened to their union leader outline the options, they all knew whom to blame: the Guptas. The three Gupta brothers—Ajay, Atul, and Rajesh—had bought the Optimum Coal Mine in December 2015, adding it to the tentacular empire they were building across South Africa, with interests in uranium deposits, media outlets, computer companies, and arms suppliers. The miners, the union leader told me, would watch as the Guptas landed their helicopter in the parched soccer field with its rusty goalposts, only to swagger around with their gun-toting white bodyguards and take their kids to the mine vents without protective gear. Sometimes, when the brothers were in a magnanimous mood, they would dole out fistfuls of cash to miners who had been particularly obsequious that day. At the same time, they cut corners viciously. Health insurance and pensions were slashed. Broken machines were patched up with old parts from other machines. Safety regulations were flouted.
Then, a few months after the Guptas bought the mine, a tectonic corruption scandal upended South Africa. A government official testified that the Guptas had offered him the position of finance minister; the three brothers, it turned out, had effectively seized control of the state apparatus. It was, to date, one of the most audacious and lucrative scams of the century. Drawing on their close ties to President Jacob Zuma—and with the help of leading international firms like KPMG, McKinsey, and SAP—the Guptas may have drained the national treasury of as much as $7 billion. Zuma was forced to resign. McKinsey offered an extraordinary public apology for its role in the scandal. The Guptas fled to Dubai. And the mine, which the brothers had obtained in a corrupt deal brokered and financed by the government, tipped into bankruptcy. The miners were among the ground-level casualties of complex schemes engineered on pieces of paper. In the months following the bankruptcy, they rioted and burned tires and courted arrest; today’s meeting was, by contrast, a rather sanguine affair. But now, as my colleague and I edged toward the discussion, things once again erupted.
All of the miners in the field, save for a couple of mythically wizened white faces, were black. Yet the men who wrecked the mine—along with much of South Africa’s economy—were, like my colleague Dhashen and me, of Indian origin. As Dhashen lumbered to the front of the crowd and began taking pictures with his iPhone, the miners suddenly stopped talking. For a moment, there was silence. Then, almost as one, they began jeering and shouting. “No Guptas!” a woman yelled. Others shouted in Zulu, raining the word “Gupta” down on us. The miners didn’t see two Indian journalists: they saw the ghosts of the Guptas. “He’s not one of them!” the union leader shouted, trying to calm the miners. Order was finally restored, and by the afternoon, the workers had decided to strike, breaking into jubilant protest songs. But the underlying tension remained. During a break for lunch, a female blaster asked us, half-jokingly, to introduce her to an Indian man, so she could be “financially stable.” Speaking about the Guptas, another blaster wryly turned to face me. “Your brothers,” she said.
What the Guptas pulled off in South Africa has been extensively documented: the backroom deals, the rigged contracts, the wholesale plunder of national resources. The brothers, who declined to comment for this story, have denied all the accusations against them, and have yet to face charges. But the global arc of the tale—from a provincial town in India to the corporate boardrooms of London and New York—offers a case study in a new, systemic form of graft known as “state capture.” This was a modern-day coup d’état, waged with bribery instead of bullets. It demonstrates how an entire country can fall to foreign influences without a single shot being fired—especially when that country is ruled by a divisive president who is skilled at fueling racial resentments, willing to fire his own intelligence chiefs to protect his business interests, and eager to use his elected position to enrich himself with unsavory investors. The Guptas had immigrated to South Africa from a backwater in India, but the skills they learned there proved indispensable in an age of globalized corruption.
Tragically, the scandal has also inflamed racial tensions in a country still struggling to recover from decades of apartheid. Indians, who came to South Africa under British rule in the 1860s as indentured laborers and traders, played a prominent role in the country’s anti-colonial and anti-apartheid struggles. Gandhi invented satyagraha in Johannesburg, and two of Nelson Mandela’s closest allies during his three decades in prison were South African Indians. But in a few short years, the Guptas had wiped away any lingering goodwill toward Indians, who make up less than 2.5 percent of the population. “Some miners are even saying that white people were better than these Indians,” Richard Mgzulu, a union representative, told me. In one leaked e-mail, an employee complained that Rajesh Gupta referred to his black security guards as “monkeys.”
Arriving soon after the fall of apartheid, the Guptas showed that it was possible to hijack the best of Mandela’s intentions—that nonwhites should be given a chance to prosper—by turning them against the country. The Guptas “would have heard that these A.N.C. guys are suckers,” said Ronnie Kasrils, a former African National Congress minister and comrade of Mandela’s. “They’re friendly, they’re open, they don’t have prejudice.” After years of enduring corrupt and ruthless white rule, many A.N.C. members were also hungry for self-enrichment, believing it was their “time to eat,” as one anti-apartheid activist told me. In the Guptas, they found the perfect enablers of their greed.
When the Guptas arrived in South Africa, in 1993, they encountered a country in a state of hopeful transition. For the first time in history, black citizens were able to live in areas formerly reserved for whites. But in order to preserve the peace, Mandela had struck what many later saw as a devil’s bargain: the segregated social and political orders would be repealed, but the economic structure would be preserved. There would be no mass takeover of white lands or businesses, as would happen later in Zimbabwe. South Africans, through the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, would learn to forgive one another and live together—even though, in practice, many lied to the commission or simply failed to show up: more Reconciliation than Truth. So a desperately unequal country remained unequal, and only a few black elites moved into the spaces long ruled by whites. These elites welcomed men like the Guptas, who could infuse cash into a country starved by anti-apartheid sanctions. Back in India, the Guptas had been small-time businessmen, but with a highly ambitious streak. This ambition had come down to them from their father, a devout man who wore a trilby hat, dabbled in tantric beliefs, and ran a fair-price shop in the city of Saharanpur that provided government-subsidized essentials like rice and sugar to the poor. In the Indian economy, fair-price shops are infamous nodes of corruption. Many of the rations they are supposed to provide wind up being diverted to the black market, where they are sold at inflated prices, bypassing the poor altogether. Saharanpur itself was an unpromising place from which to conquer the world. A mishmash of old bazaars and shanties in one of India’s most corrupt states, it was infested with pigs and bats, but granted a sense of wildness by its monsoonal greenery. Growing up in the city’s cramped old quarter—a warren of crumbling Art Deco buildings, temples, and hundreds of small stalls selling fabric—the brothers bicycled to their one-room school, where they were educated in Hindi rather than more cosmopolitan English. When Ajay, the oldest brother, came of age in the 1980s, his father sent him to Delhi, where, according to a source, he worked for a company that smuggled computers and spices from Nepal into India. Ajay became an expert in the so-called “gray market” for electronic goods sold outside the normal tariffed channels; his brothers soon joined him. From there—again at the instigation of their father—the brothers immigrated to Singapore, the hub of the electronics gray market in Asia. According to a friend who still lives in Saharanpur, “Ajay Gupta has a massive mind”—one agile enough to exploit the trade policies of rival countries. At one point while in Singapore, Ajay approached an associate to set up a factory in Saharanpur to manufacture computer memory cards. But there was a catch: The factory wouldn’t actually produce anything. Instead, Ajay would send the memory cards fully assembled from Singapore, and the associate would simply ship them back, claiming they had been made in India. That way, Ajay could obtain an Indian government subsidy of $2 per card, while showing a loss of $1 on the books.
Why the Guptas moved from Singapore to South Africa remains a mystery. The Guptas say they were once again prodded by their father, who believed that “Africa would be the next America of the world.” But when Atul arrived in Johannesburg, at age 25, with an initial investment of $350,000, South Africa’s future was far from obvious. Roiled by internal racial and ethnic strife, the country was on the verge of forming its first democratic government, and Indian businessmen who had prospered under apartheid thought Gupta was a fool. “We are all leaving,” they told him. “Why are you coming? This country’s going to go to the dogs.”
In South Africa, the Guptas found a country with the allure of the white First World, but all the guile of the Third World in which they’d been raised. And unlike other Indians in South Africa, they were free of the country’s history of oppression; as Hindu males born in independent India, they had been like white men back home. Which is why, when opportunity presented itself in South Africa, they acted like white men before them—with impunity.
Soon after arriving, sources say, the Guptas started slapping together gray-market computers from undervalued imported parts and selling them under the logo Sahara. The name was a tribute to their hometown of Saharanpur and Africa’s Sahara—but it was also a blatant imitation of the brand of a famous Indian company. The Guptas would later maintain that they commenced their Africa sojourn humbly, by selling shoes at a mall. But this story has proved difficult to verify: none of the longtime shop owners I spoke with at the mall remember the Guptas, and one former official who has investigated them extensively told me they had concocted their rags-to-riches fable. In any case, as their profits soared, the Guptas were welcomed into South Africa’s inner circle of business and political elites. Atul—with his pinched expression, unctuous smile, thin mustache, and disarmingly reedy voice—was the P.R. face of the family. Invited to join a business delegation to India, he struck up a friendship with Essop Pahad, a South African Indian politician and A.N.C. stalwart.Pahad, an India enthusiast, arranged for Ajay to be appointed to an advisory committee to President Thabo Mbeki.
The Guptas, who had been unknown back in India, enjoyed hobnobbing with the elites. They became famous in Johannesburg for inviting politicians to parties at their large, one-acre compound in the tony neighborhood of Saxonwold, and for entertaining the Indian and South African cricket teams after matches. (They also began to sponsor cricket stadiums.) The social investments paid off: before long, the Guptas befriended the man who would be most responsible for wrecking the post-apartheid dream of South Africa—Jacob Zuma.
For an African freedom fighter, Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma, whose middle name can be translated as “a person who eats you up while he’s smiling at you,” bears an uncanny resemblance to Donald Trump. He rose through the political ranks and won Mandela’s affection by expertly consolidating his base of conservative Zulu supporters—the largest ethnic group in the country—with his son-of-the-soil charm. He became notorious for his unchecked and opportunistic philandering. And he relied on handouts of cash from shady businessmen to keep himself afloat. Forward and friendly, he looked a bit like a cat who has been found with his face in the cream and, instead of backing away, invites you to join him.
By the time the Guptas had met him, in 2002, Zuma was deputy president of South Africa. A “conservative traditionalist,” according to one former official, Zuma acquired five wives (in addition to an ex-wife) and has 23 kids. He also lived beyond his means, writing dud checks and refusing to pay his taxes. Strapped for cash, he received interest-free loans from Schabir Shaik, a South African Indian businessman, who engineered an annual bribe for Zuma from a French arms company. In 2005, Shaik was found guilty of having a corrupt relationship with Zuma and was sentenced to 15 years in prison. Zuma, facing corruption charges of his own, was forced out of office.
THE FAMILY’S MANSION WAS LITTERED WITH KITSCHY STATUES, ITS BATHROOM FIXTURES DETAILED IN GOLD.
Then, in a revelation that seemed to doom any chance of a political comeback, the daughter of an A.N.C. comrade came forward and accused Zuma of raping her in the guest room of his home. She was 31 and an H.I.V.-positive AIDS activist; he was 63. Never one to shy away from boasting about his libido, Zuma maintained that the sex was consensual and that the woman had worn a colorful traditional wrap—an obvious invitation to sex. “You cannot just leave a woman if she is already at that state,” he testified. He also insisted that he had showered after he had sex with her, to mitigate the chance of contracting AIDS—a comment that made him an international laughingstock. But Zuma survived by painting himself as the victim of a political conspiracy. His supporters swarmed the courthouse with signs proclaiming, BURN THE BITCH and 100% ZULU BOY, and in 2006 the judge acquitted him on all charges. That following year, tapping into an early surge of the populist forces that would soon consume the world, Zuma trounced the neo-liberal Mbeki to become head of the A.N.C. In 2009, with the corruption charges against him thrown out on a technicality, Zuma was elected president of South Africa.
The Gupta’s, who were canny investors, had begun playing the long game from the moment they met Zuma. They put his son Duduzane on their payroll in 2003, and continued to promote him even after Zuma’s fall. The youngest Gupta brother, Rajesh—nicknamed Tony—was especially close to Duduzane, who was “in and out of their house like a fourth Gupta,” according to Pahad, their A.N.C. ally. Duduzane was eventually made a director of several Gupta-linked companies. The brothers helped set him up in a $1.3 million apartment in the Burj Khalifa in Dubai, the world’s tallest skyscraper, and paid for his five-star vacations. (Duduzane, who declined to comment for this story, has denied owning property in Dubai.) In 2014, when Duduzane crashed his Porsche into a minibus, killing two passengers, the first person he called was Rajesh. The Guptas insisted that Duduzane was employed on his own merits. “This young boy since beginning with us and he work even 16 to 18 hours daily,” Ajay told a reporter in his characteristically broken English. “He go himself to the all mines, all places. He don’t sit in an air-conditioned room and just count the money or do this. He earn, very hard-earned money, he do that.” But Duduzane also enabled the Guptas to present their companies as black-owned businesses—a display essential for winning government contracts in post-apartheid South Africa. And it endeared the Guptas to Zuma, who was in and out of their house during his embattled years, performing pujas, or prayers, with their mother, who directed her sons’ domestic lives after the death of their father, in 1994.
In the Guptas’ compound, Zuma found a conservative household that mirrored his own—a place where old values flourished in a new country. Though the brothers had bought four adjacent mansions in Johannesburg, they lived in a single home with their wives and children and mother in a feudal setup imported wholesale from India. They conversed in Hindi and didn’t eat meat or drink alcohol. The women dressed modestly and generally did not interact with guests; daughters-in-law had to obtain permission to visit their own parents. Indian servants in tattered vests ran barefoot through hallways littered with kitschy statues and busts; the fixtures in the bathrooms were detailed in gold. Ajay, now 53, sported the diamond ring his father had once worn. Rough-hewn and imposing, with a permanent swath of stubble, he was the family patriarch and the political brain of the operation. Atul, 50, oversaw outreach to corrupt government officials, while Tony, 46, served as the family’s gruff business negotiator.
The Guptas’ loyalty to Zuma wound up paying massive dividends. The brothers, Atul told an employee, supported Zuma before “anyone thought he could be president.” The family “stood by him until he came out victorious. He would often come to our house and meet Ajay and me. Look where that support has brought him—today he is the president.” From the moment Zuma was elected president, the Guptas began to plunder the South African government on an unprecedented scale. It was the perfect arrangement: Zuma did not have to be present in the room, or even included on e-mails, while the Guptas cut deals and moved money in and out of the country. Ajay, one government whistle-blower later recounted, would lounge on a sofa during meetings with his shoes off, wearing a T-shirt and gray track pants, looking like a swami who expected people to “kiss his feet” as he brainstormed ways to bribe officials. The Guptas had taken the model of their father’s fair-price shop and exaggerated it to fit the modern economy. State capture goes far beyond paying off greedy officials; it’s about distorting government policy for personal gain. In April 2010, the state-owned Industrial Development Corporation lent the Guptas $34 million, which they used to buy a uranium mine. It seemed like a risky move: at the time, worldwide uranium prices were plummeting. But the Guptas appeared to have inside knowledge that Zuma was planning—over the objections of his own treasury—to sign an expensive deal with Russia to open a series of nuclear power plants. Once the facilities were up and running, they would buy uranium from the Guptas, who wound up pocketing all but $1.8 million of the government loan. Three months later, the Guptas launched a newspaper called The New Age. Zuma promptly called the head of the government’s communications arm, Themba Maseko, and instructed him to help “these Gupta guys.” When Maseko paid a visit to the family’s compound, Ajay ordered him to turn over the government’s entire advertising budget—some $80 million a year—to The New Age. If he didn’t cooperate, Maseko later testified, Ajay said he would “speak to my seniors in government, who would sort me out and replace me with people who would cooperate with him.” Six months later, Maseko was removed from office, and the government handed its advertising money over to the Guptas. Though The New Age gained no real audience, every government department appeared to subscribe to it, with thousands of copies lying around in offices, unread. According to court documents, the newspaper was later used to launder money through fake advertising invoices.
That October, an A.N.C. member of parliament named Vyjtie Mentor was invited to meet with Zuma. She later testified that she was picked up at the airport in Johannesburg by Atul and Tony; with their dark suits, earpieces, and sunglasses, she assumed they were the president’s drivers. Mentor soon found herself at the Gupta compound, sitting across from Ajay, who offered to make her minister of public enterprises—provided that, in her new position, she help a Gupta-linked airline win a coveted route to India. When Mentor angrily refused, President Zuma suddenly emerged from the next room. Carrying her bag, he escorted her to a waiting cab. “Go well, young woman,” he told her in Zulu. “Everything will be O.K.” A few days later, the minister of public enterprises was fired after she refused to meet with officials from the airline.
The Guptas’ brazenness was becoming obvious in government circles. In 2011, to shield the brothers from investigation, Zuma fired the chiefs of all three intelligence agencies and replaced them with loyalists. The following year, leaked e-mails show, a Gupta shell company acquired the rights to run a government-funded dairy farm meant to empower poor black farmers. The director of the Gupta company was a former I.T. salesman with no experience in farming; the contract was won without a bidding process. According to court documents, the Guptas siphoned $16 million from the operation. The dairy fell into disuse, with some 100 cows reportedly dying from lack of proper feed. (The Guptas have denied any connection to the operation, beyond a $10,000 consulting contract.)
The following year, the Guptas moved into television, launching a channel called ANN7 to secure more government ad revenues. Rajesh Sundaram, who became the channel’s editor, told me he met with Zuma and Atul Gupta three times in 2013 to discuss the launch. The president, who acted like a secret shareholder in the channel, told Sundaram that he wanted it to disseminate “subtle propaganda.” ANN7 served as a microcosm of how the Guptas ran their operations: low on quality, high on greed. Laborers were flown in from India on tourist visas and housed in substandard barracks. No one was offered medical benefits. Atul monitored the lengths of employee bathroom breaks, and installed G.P.S. in company cars to make sure reporters weren’t straying from their work beats. Attractive models were hired in lieu of trained anchors. During the channel’s launch, one model-anchor froze on camera as she waited for her teleprompter to function. In another segment, an anchor waiting for a transmission from a correspondent was instead greeted by the sound of a backstage technician making an anguished mooing sound.Most Popular
The downfall began, like a Shakespeare comedy in reverse, with a wedding. In 2013, the Guptas decided to throw “the wedding of the century” for their eldest niece. They booked the upscale Sun City resort in South Africa, two hours north of Johannesburg, plotting four days of events for 400 guests. They flew in Bollywood stars from India, and dancers from Brazil and Russia. They ordered 30,000 bouquets spread across the volcanic grounds of the resort, a 70s-era version of Wakanda complete with gigantic plaster elephants. The invitation itself was so imposing—six ornate containers laden with delicacies from six continents—that when one invitee, the wife of a provincial police commissioner, received it, the local bomb squad was called in to detonate it. Then, on April 30, more than 200 guests from India began to arrive. They flew not to Johannesburg but to Waterkloof, a South African air-force base a few miles south of Pretoria. Waterkloof is a reddish, parched patch of earth with the endless, low-lying feel of a college campus. As the bleary-eyed guests disembarked from a chartered flight not long after sunrise, they were greeted by Atul, dressed in a pink T-shirt and dark-blue blazer. Atul ushered the guests into seven helicopters and 60 white Range Rovers for the trip to Sun City, accompanied by police escorts. All of this would have gone off without a hitch had it not been for Barry Bateman, a radio reporter in Pretoria. Tipped off about the arriving guests, he rushed to Waterkloof and walked up to Atul outside the passenger terminal with a simple question: “Why are you using an air-force base to bring your family in?” Military bases, Bateman knew, are typically reserved for flights involving high-ranking government officials or heads of state. It was as if a wealthy Russian oligarch had been permitted to use Andrews Air Force Base to land hundreds of guests for a private affair in Washington, D.C.—one scheduled to be attended by the president himself. When Atul refused to answer Bateman’s question—“Don’t be smart with me,” he said—the reporter immediately tweeted about the curious landing: #GuptaWedding.
For the first time, ordinary South Africans suddenly knew who the Guptas were—and how high their influence reached. The country was outraged. The “Zuptas”—Zuma and the Guptas—became a staple of daily cartoons and Trevor Noah parodies. The officials who had orchestrated the landing later said they had received instructions from “Number One,” a clear reference to President Zuma.
The Guptas, meanwhile, were unapologetic. “One day these officials will know the power of the Gupta family,” said Atul. Ajay, the canniest of the brothers, felt the scandal would get them “eyeballs” for their new TV station. Later, leaked e-mails would reveal that they paid for the wedding using money they had looted from the dairy farm and routed through the United Arab Emirates. KPMG wrote off the lavish celebration as a business expense. Emboldened by their survival, the Guptas kicked their corruption into overdrive. In 2014, Zuma’s associates awarded them the largest-ever supply contract with Transnet, South Africa’s rail and port company—a deal worth $4.4 billion. The Guptas used the contract to secure millions in kickbacks—which they called “commissions”—from international players eager to do business with the firm. Zuma also installed four Gupta allies on the board of Eskom, South Africa’s power utility, which illegally handed the Guptas $38 million in government funds to buy the Optimum Coal Mine. (Eskom had hounded the mine’s previous owners into bankruptcy at the Guptas’ behest.) If you wanted to do business in South Africa, it seemed, you had to go through the Guptas—much as certain white-owned enterprises had cornered the economy during apartheid. Respected international firms rushed to make deals with the brothers and their associates. McKinsey & Company, the global consulting giant, partnered with Eskom on a scandalous deal—its largest-ever contract in Africa—that wound up funneling money to a Gupta-linked firm. (McKinsey denies that it did “anything illegal.”) The London-based P.R. firm Bell Pottinger used Twitter and fake-news Web sites to inflame racial tensions in South Africa, spreading the idea that “white monopoly capital” was orchestrating the attacks on the Guptas to create “economic apartheid.” And KPMG, the accounting firm, was hired for $1.65 million by a top Zuma ally to discredit South African tax officials who were investigating the brothers. The firm essentially copied memos provided by the government, portraying the officials as a “rogue unit” that illegally spied on the Zuma administration and “engaged the services of prostitutes during their leisure time.” The fake-news campaign worked; several senior tax officials were forced to resign, and scores more quit.
Then, on October 23, 2015, the Guptas tried to bribe the wrong man.
On that day, a balmy Friday, Mcebisi Jonas, the country’s deputy finance minister, was invited to a hotel to discuss business with the president’s son Duduzane. Instead, Duduzane drove him to the Gupta compound. There, Jonas later testified, he met with one of the brothers, whom he believed to be Ajay. Ajay told him that the “old man”—President Zuma—seemed to like him. The family, he added, wanted to see whether Jonas was someone who “can work with us.”
“You must understand that we are in control of everything,” Ajay said. “The old man will do anything we tell him to do. The deal on offer, Jonas recounted in his testimony, was as simple as it was enticing. Zuma would appoint Jonas as the nation’s finance minister. The Guptas, in turn, would pay Jonas $45 million to purge treasury officials who opposed the deal to build Russian-run nuclear energy plants that would operate on fuel supplied by the Gupta uranium mine. Jonas, a soft-spoken man with a neat white goatee and a tie that always seems on the verge of coming undone, was outraged. When he got up to leave, Ajay tried sweetening the deal. If Jonas was willing to cooperate, Ajay said, he would deposit money in an account of his choosing—in South Africa or Dubai. In fact, he could give him $45,000 on the spot. “Do you have a bag?” he asked Jonas. “Or can I give you something to put it in?” When Jonas again refused, Ajay followed him to the door. If he told anyone about the meeting, Ajay warned, the Guptas would have him killed. (In a sworn affidavit, Ajay insisted that he was not present at the meeting, which he calls an “intentional fabrication to implicate me in alleged wrongdoing in which I played no part.”)
In March 2016, as the Guptas and Zuma continued to try and bend the finance ministry to their will, Jonas decided to go public. This time, the A.N.C. was unable to brush off the allegations—they came from within the ruling party itself. The Guptas fled for Dubai in April, and the ensuing investigations toppled top executives at McKinsey and KPMG, which is under investigation for its ties to the Guptas, as are HSBC, Standard Chartered, and SAP. Bell Pottinger, the P.R. firm, imploded after accusations that it had tried to stir up racial resentments at the Guptas’ behest. Threatened by a vote of no confidence and with his candidate having lost the vote for A.N.C. president, Zuma was forced to step down in February 2018. A few months later, Duduzane appeared before a judge in shackles, wearing a gray wool jacket and a rakish black scarf, and was charged with corruption. The era of the Guptas, it seemed, was over.Most Popular
Even in exile, the Guptas remain a central meme in South African consciousness; the few available stock photos of the brothers circulate regularly on the front pages of the country’s newspapers. On the day I arrived in Johannesburg last fall, a commission of inquiry had begun its investigation into state capture—a brief moment of hope that quickly curdled into disappointment. With a budget of $17 million, the commission was expected to complete its work in six months. But the wise, turtle-like judge overseeing the inquiry sonorously predicted it would go on for two years. It soon became clear that the Guptas would not appear. It was an open question as to whether Zuma could be compelled to testify, and the government has temporarily withdrawn corruption charges against Duduzane, pending further evidence from the commission. On the first soporific day, in a large hall that could have been the foyer of a bank, the lead prosecutor presented such boring PowerPoints that I almost wished McKinsey could be brought back to enliven them.
The economy, meanwhile, remains devastated by all the plunder and corruption. Tax collections have plunged by billions since Zuma’s purge of the once-respected state tax agency. The rand is reeling, and credit-rating agencies have downgraded the country’s bonds to junk status. A quarter-century after the end of apartheid, South Africa has the worst income inequality in the world—evident in the profusion of high walls, electric fences, and guards to protect parked vehicles. Almost two-thirds of blacks live in poverty, compared with only 1 percent of whites, and half of all young people are unemployed. These young people, like the miners I met at Optimum, are growing impatient. In 2015, a student movement called “Rhodes Must Fall” successfully pressed for the removal of a statue of the colonialist Cecil Rhodes from the University of Cape Town. Now the movement has morphed into “Fees Must Fall,” demanding free university education for poor families as a means to self-empowerment—though it is unclear where the money for such largesse might come from. And calls for land reform—in a country where whites own 72 percent of all privately held farmland—are also growing. The less the country can deliver, the more radical the demands have become.
The Guptas have created an atmosphere of distrust in which ancient group feelings are being resurrected. Many whites, who make up 9 percent of the population, blame the A.N.C. for the country’s downfall—and see themselves as victims. One of the first things I heard on the radio when I arrived in Johannesburg was a middle-aged white man calling in to a talk show to complain that “the benefits of the end of apartheid have been outweighed by the way we’re being discriminated against.” There was no acknowledgment of the devastation caused by apartheid, or why it might necessitate affirmative action for blacks.
In a Cape Town bookstore, at a discussion about state capture between a professor and a government minister, I found an audience full of politically engaged, middle-aged whites fired up about what the Guptas and Zuma did to the country. But talking to them, I discovered that they were the South African equivalent of Trump’s most fervent followers. One sixtysomething white woman with rabbity teeth, keen blue unseeing eyes, and an orthopedic metal cane told me that poverty in India was “dignified,” unlike the “begging and entitlement” in South Africa. Another white woman, overhearing a conversation I was having, rebuked me for not supporting Trump, calling him “the only knight in shining armor in a dark reality.” Trump himself had tweeted a few days earlier about “the large scale killing” of white farmers in South Africa—a patently false statement. How could I tell her that the broadside on behalf of white South Africans was meant to divert attention from Michael Cohen’s guilty plea that day? Did anyone wish to see beyond their own narrow version of the truth? Back in India, meanwhile, the Guptas have been slowly raising their profile. When I visited Saharanpur, I discovered that the brothers are considered heroes, though the adulation is shot through with the sort of gossip you expect from small towns—accounts of film stars and politicians visiting the family’s home, the difficulty of getting an appointment with the Guptas’ sister. In one fetid corner of the old city—so cramped that cars cannot get through—I encountered the scaffolded bones of a massive temple with more than 50 rooms for religious education, surrounded by carved sandstone blocks waiting to be joined together to create shrines. The temple would be complete in 2022; it was the Guptas’ $28 million gift to their town. The brothers now live openly in Dubai, though their time there may be limited: in September, the U.A.E. and South Africa finally signed an extradition treaty, mainly, it is thought, to ensnare the Guptas. Undeterred, the brothers continue to revel in their wealth. They recently sent out a 17-page invitation for yet another extravagant family wedding, this one projected to cost $7 million. Under the names of their children was inscribed, almost wistfully, their place of residency: “Johannesburg, South Africa.”
The Guptas, remarkably, seem hurt that their former fiefdom—the place that made them who they are—has turned against them: had they acted so differently from the white colonialists before them? “Was Ajay Gupta or Gupta family proven guilty?” Ajay asked a reporter recently, employing the third person. “One place? One smallest thing?” A journalist who met Ajay in India told me that the Gupta patriarch is “seething in rage” over his family’s fall. “We’ve always eaten two rotis,” Ajay declared defiantly. “We’ll keep eating two no matter what happens.” The same could not be said for the starving miners—and the looted country—the brothers had left behind.
ANC Mayor Encourages Violence Against Coloured ‘Boesmans’
In a video trending on social media, a Free State Mayor, Nkosinjani Speelman, can be heard encouraging soldiers to ‘Skop and Donner’ the Coloureds of Bronville. In the video, the Matjhabeng Municipality Mayor addresses members of the South African Defence Force who has been deployed to maintain order during the lockdown period. During this address, he suggests that some of the “Boesmannetjies” of Bronville likes to take chances and says that “when you close them, they get out and drink again”. He goes on further to encourage the soldiers to “skop and donner” the people which are giving problems and taking chances, namely the Pakistanis, the Nigerians and the Coloureds. The soldiers can be seen listening attentively and laughing at his jokes. The remarks, which was generally referred to as racist, inhumane and barbaric, led to a flood of complaints being laid against Speelman at the Human Rights Commission. The number of complaints was enough to force Speelman to apologise for his remarks, although it is unlikely that this will stop the complaints. In addition to these comments, Speelman is generally considered to be a failed and controversial mayor. Under his tenure, service delivery protests have escalated, debt has skyrocketed and the municipality is one of the most wasteful municipal spenders. He has also been accused of tender fraud and it was hinted at that he had a role in the death of the municipal manager, Thabiso Tsoaeli. The family of Mr Tsoaeli even went as far as barring Speelman from the funeral.
ANC looters collapsed Free State with impunity
As we celebrated the life of one of SA greatest cultural ambassadors last week, Joseph Shabalala, the BBC focused on a South African town in the Free State – Harrismith. It is always good to see the best of your country being showcased on global platforms. It was a proud moment to see Christiane Amanpour close her show by celebrating Shabalala’s life on CNN last week. What the BBC found in Harrismith is heart-breaking. It found a once beautiful town in a state of ruin. The ANC thugs have looted public money until the town literally collapsed. The BBC’s report was titled “We’re just fixing our town.” These are the words of a young black resident, Sam Twala, who told the world the residents of Harrismith are tired of burning tyres, and protesting; they have decided to fix their own town. When there is a burst pipe, Twala and a group of volunteers go around asking for money from local business people, to fix the pipe themselves. The story of Harrismith is a microcosm of the whole province of the Free State, and of other municipalities elsewhere. As you read this column, the capital city of the Free State, Bloemfontein, is under administration. Think of Cape Town, the capital city of the Western Cape, being under administration, or Johannesburg in Gauteng, or Polokwane in Limpopo, and so on.If things are not working in the capital Bloemfontein, how could they work in small towns such as Harrismith?How to tame tyranny of EFF minority question facing MzansiNazi-style chaos can’t define our political culture.Opinion3 months ago The sad thing is that the man who collapsed the province, a gangster called Ace Magashule, sits comfortably in the headquarters of the ANC, the political party that runs SA – Luthuli House. Inkosi Albert Luthuli must be turning in his grave! In his book Gangster State, Pieter-Louis Myburgh has provided evidence of how former premier Magashule remote-controlled the distribution of tenders in all municipalities in the province. But Magashule is not in a prison cell, nor is he scheduled to appear in any court. Since Magashule is the boss in the ANC, the Free State is treated as if things are normal there. No crisis has been declared, even though the province has collapsed. Under normal circumstances, the whole of SA would be talking about the mess in the province. But very few people in the country are aware the capital of the province is under administration. When asked about the ANC thugs who have looted Harrismith until it collapsed, all an administrator could say was, “criminal cases have been opened”. There are naïve simpletons who once entertained the illusion that, under Cyril Ramaphosa, criminals in the ANC would be arrested. The thugs in Harrismith, and Magashule, laugh when told about some “new dawn”. While Twala and his fellow residents fix their town, the thugs continue to enjoy their loot.
Inquiry finds ‘never-ending’ wave of political killings in South African province
In one of South Africa’s biggest provinces, politics and crime have become so intertwined in a violent battle for financial resources that they have triggered a seemingly “never-ending” wave of political murders, an inquiry has found. The government-appointed inquiry has warned that the political killings are a “serious pathology” that could easily spread to other regions of South Africa where the same root causes of corruption and impunity are present. The inquiry was established by the government of KwaZulu-Natal province, where more than 80 people have been killed in politically linked murders in the past seven years, including dozens of murders in the past two years alone. The province, known as the homeland of the Zulu people, is the second-most populous in the country and a crucial stronghold for the ruling African National Congress. The province has fallen into the grip of a “culture of violence” as politicians fight for control of lucrative government tenders, the inquiry found in its 425-page final report.
“There was overwhelming evidence from the majority of witnesses that access to resources through the tender system is the main root cause of the murder of politicians,” it said. “There was evidence that criminal elements are recruited by politicians to achieve political ends, resulting in a complex matrix of criminal and political associations that also lead to the murder of politicians.” The report, issued after more than a year of research and public hearings by the inquiry, concluded that political factions are using “underhanded tactics” to manipulate the meetings of political parties and to marginalize their rivals. “This often results in violent attacks and retaliatory attacks, which have been at the core of a number of murders of politicians,” it said. The inquiry heard evidence of politicians being gunned down in their driveways, or shot in crowded public places with dozens of witnesses, or killed when their cars were ambushed and sprayed with bullets. Assassins can be hired for the equivalent of a few hundred dollars, experts say. Few of the murders have been solved and few of the perpetrators have been jailed. The culture of violence may have begun in colonial and apartheid times, but it continues unabated today, the report said. The rhetoric of many politicians has incited murder and other violence, it said. The apparently ceaseless wave of murders is “a symptom of a serious pathology in the province’s body politic,” it said. “Regrettably, there does not seem to be any reduction in the rate of the murder of politicians in KZN. There is still something rotten in the province of KwaZulu-Natal.” The inquiry focused on local councils, where most of the murders have occurred. At a time of high unemployment and widespread poverty, there is “fierce competition” for council positions because they allow access to tenders and other financial resources, and this leads to “corruption, crass materialism and conspicuous consumption,” the report said.
ConCourt dismisses Solidarity’s bid to urgently appeal tourism fund decision
JOHANNESBURG – The Constitutional Court has dismissed the urgent application by Solidarity and Afriforum to directly appeal the High Court decision to uphold the tourism department’s stance to have Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment (BBBEE) as a requirement when allocating funds to businesses from the tourism COVID-19 relief fund. In the order, the court states that it’s not in the interest of justice the hear the application urgently. “The Constitutional Court has considered the application for leave to appeal directly to the court on an urgent basis. It has concluded that the application should be dismissed as it is not in the interest of justice to hear the application at this stage as there are insufficient grounds raised for direct appeal to court on an urgent basis.” Tourism minister Mmamoloko Kubayi-Ngubane welcomed the ruling by the concourt – and urged Afriforum and Solidarity to allow the department to continue with its work. In a statement the minister says that over 13,000 applications have been received – and that the processing of payments have already started to both black and white business owners. Solidarity and AfriForum had argued in the High Court that the disaster management regulations confine the minister’s power to give directions to matters relating to COVID-19 and do not include empowerment goals. At the time, Kubayi-Ngubane said: “We do believe that in what we do, the law has not been suspended. We do believe that many those who are previously disadvantaged continue to suffer.” She said the efforts made to transform the industry may be lost after the lock-down.
MPs blame ‘fattening’ Parliament food for their obesity
The parliamentarians complained this week that most of them arrive in parliament lean and slim but end up getting fat because of the unhealthy food available there. During their induction workshop this week, MPs decried parliament’s diet, saying it was the cause of their obesity. And parliament’s wellness chief has undertaken to ensure that the legislature’s menu is changed. ANC MP Sheila Sithole said the legislature’s unhealthy diet has long been a cause of serious concern for many lawmakers, so much so that former ethics committee chairman Ben Turok resorted to eating outside parliament in a bid to avoid the fat. Turok has now retired from parliament. Sithole told the induction workshop that the food served to MPs was a health risk. “If you look at members, they come here nice and slim but they all go out obese,” said Sithole. “That is very serious, so I want a situation where there is a serious discussion between yourselves [parliament’s management] and the kitchen,” said Sithole. Health Minister Aaron Motsoaledi has also spoken out against the unhealthy food served to MPs. On a typical day, MPs start with a breakfast comprising sandwiches, full-cream yoghurt, fruit, coffee, tea and sparkling juices. When their meetings run into lunch hour, they are served finger foods such as lamb chops, roast chicken, samoosas, hake medallions and Russians. In parliament’s restaurants, they get to enjoy three-course lunches with soup or salad as starters, followed by steaks, chicken, lamb or fish served as mains. ANC MP Zukile Luyenge said the MPs were always subjected to fatty foods and an excess of protein. “What we have noticed about parliament’s diet is that each and every food item has fats and too much protein. Ordinarily, you can’t have a huge amount of fat and protein at the same time,” said Luyenge. “There is a variety of foods but it has fat, including fish. It’s better to stick to the meat rather than eat fish prepared here in parliament,” he said. A regular at parliament’s exclusive gym for MPs, Luyenge has urged his colleagues to start exercising if they are serious about keeping the fat at bay. The Economic Freedom Fighters’ Andile Mngxitama, who joined parliament last month, vowed never to consume the institution’s food. “I have not eaten that food, even during the induction. Parliament’s food is not healthy,” he said. Parliament’s wellness manager, Buyile Bashe, who told the new parliamentarians about the facilities available to keep them in good shape, said he welcomed the call for a change in the National Assembly’s menu. “I will speak with the catering manager, but I think it’s important that I move a little bit faster and not be distracted when I deal with the matter of food, because it was raised last year. “I will really prioritise the issue of a healthy diet,” said Bashe.
Intelligence ‘had Boeremag taped’
Pretoria – The Boeremag was lured into a trap by informants working for the police’s Crime Intelligence Unit, who planted evidence and enticed the members to move from their initial defence strategy, into a militant organisation. Crime Intelligence was in fact from the start behind this organisation and pushed its informants to infiltrate the Boeremag – dubbed by the SAPS as “Project Wacko”. This was the evidence of a former captain in a covert section of the police’s Crime Intelligence Unit, Deon Loots. He was the handler of the State’s key witness, JC Smit, who infiltrated the Boeremag in the 1990s. In 2003, Smith was the first witness to take the stand in the Pretoria High Court treason trial in which the 21 accused have been convicted of an array of charges, some including high treason. Loots, in his shocking evidence yesterday, told Judge Eben Jordaan that he “had to get these things off his chest” as he made a promise to himself that once this trial was ending, he would come and tell the truth. “I want the whole world to know what the truth is,” he said. Apart from testifying at length how the organisation was “coaxed”, without the knowledge of the members, to take a more aggressive stance, he said Crime intelligence instructed Smit to teach some of the Boeremag members how to build bombs. Crime intelligence knew about every move each of the accused made – whether in C-Max Prison awaiting trial, in court and even while speaking to their lawyers regarding their defence. There were bugs and even surveillance cameras everywhere. The homes and phones of their friends and families were also bugged, he said. According to Loots this unit had such sophisticated equipment that at its headquarters there is a room dubbed “the war room” where the movements of the accused in jail could be seen at any time of the day on two big screens. Furthermore, police attached to this unit can watch live footage on their cellphones of what is going on in court and this footage is also seen on their laptops, Loots said. While his evidence cannot be used to the advantage of the case of the accused at this stage, as they have all been convicted, the aim of it is to convince the judge to note a special entry on the court record of an irregularity. This could eventually be used by the accused in their appeal one day to have their treason and other convictions overthrown. Loots was medically boarded from the SAPS in 2001, but he still partially managed Smit as an informant. His (Loots’s) wife is a colonel in crime intelligence and closely linked to the Boeremag trial. They are now in the middle of an acrimonious divorce. Loots said in 1997 several right-wingers held meetings, which were aimed at putting a plan in place for the commandos to step in if unrest broke out in the country. The initial aim was to stabilize the country and to restore peace. Smit infiltrated these meetings on the instructions of crime intelligence. Loots said this unit decided to be in “total control” of these meetings and at a meeting of high ranking SAPS officials, it was decided to feed these people with disinformation. Crime intelligence wanted to create the atmosphere that there was a threat in the country and the informants, especially Smit, had to feed the right-wing people this information at meetings. This had to be done at a steady pace, Loots said, so that they didn’t become suspicious. He said he was terribly upset when crime intelligence instructed Smit to train some of these people in the manufacturing of bombs, which Smit in fact did. “I said this was wrong.” He said although he was no longer in the SAPS by then, he knew exactly what went on in the Boeremag trial, as his wife told him. According to him she, shortly after the group’s arrest, told him their police cells were bugged and the SAPS knew what their defence strategies would be. This was also conveyed to the State, who at all times knew how to counter the defence. “I told my wife this was unethical and asked her why this was done. She said this was so that crime intelligence at all times knew what the accused were planning.”
Trump gets tough: SA set for devastating trade battle with the US
South Africa has found itself in the eye of a quickly-brewing storm this week, confounding its unsteady relations with the United States of America. Donald Trump has pushed for a significant revision to his country’s trade laws, and it could have devastating implications for us in Mzansi. The rule-change by the Trump Administration reduces the amount of countries that can be considered “developing nations”. By doing this, it gives the US government a greater scope to review its own trade deals.
South Africa in the eye of a trade storm with US
Previously limited by who they could investigate, this bit of legal wrangling will now allow Trump and his team to identify which states are “harming US industries” with unfairly subsidized exports. South Africa has been named on that list, and we now face the prospect of being hit with higher trade and export tariffs with the US:
“Given the global economic significance of the G20, and the collective economic weight of its membership (which accounts for large shares of global trade) membership indicates that a country is developed. Thus, Argentina, Brazil, India, Indonesia and South Africa are ineligible for the 2% de minimis standard.”US Trade Regulator statement
Why it’s bad news for Mzansi
The multi-billion rand industry that exists between SA and the US is, therefore, due a radical shake-up. Should the Trump administration decide that they aren’t getting a fair deal from our trade agreement, South Africa could be hit with large financial penalties – and it may even prompt something of a “jobs exodus” from our shores. We’re waiting with bated breath to see if the Republican leader and his Cabinet believe we’ve been charging them too much for our services. However, this isn’t the only issue causing friction between SA and US trade: Our newly-drafted Copyright Amendment Bill allegedly violates US Trade Regulator Laws, too.
10 Scary Facts That South Africa is becoming the next Venezuela
It has been a quarter-century since South Africans of all colors and creeds lined up with each other to patiently wait their turn to vote for their first government that was not dependent on brutal racial engineering.
In 1994 the country was a coiled spring ready to unleash enormous latent economic and human potential. As South West Africa became Namibia and the legal edifices of apartheid were swept away, South Africa suddenly had the opportunities and goodwill that had been denied it fork the better part of 30 years. All that promise is gone. South Africa has squandered its opportunities and is on the path to becoming a failed state. These are the top ten reasons, in no particular order, why South Africa is becoming the next Venezuela.
70,000 Whites Murdered in ‘Modern’ South Africa; Obama’s African Legacy
By Paul Fromm
Since Nelson Mandela and the communist African National Congress (ANC) took over South Africa, more than 70,000 whites have been murdered and untold numbers have been robbed, raped and tortured. But you will not hear about this in the Western media, which fawns over the black terrorists who now run the once-prosperous country. Claudia Bryan is a South African activist living in London. Her grandmother owned a bakery in South Africa. One day six blacks entered the bakery and gang-raped her. They then tried to shoot her. The gun jammed. In anger they gang raped her again and the 70-something woman died. Robbery was not the motive. One of the South African Family Relief Project volunteers, who drove this writer around Durban during a recent fact-finding visit to South Africa, related the experience of a co-worker. This man and his adult son were working on their boat at their home in an upscale area when two blacks came up the driveway and demanded the keys to the son’s car. When the father refused, the blacks shot him dead and fled. Joulene Trichardt, my Johannesburg guide’s daughter-in-law, was one of the managers at a nightclub called Truth several years ago. The night club was open once a week for parties and dances. One night, four armed blacks burst in, firing handguns, and attacked the staff. They herded the managers and the disc jockey into an office. They beat one manager with a pistol and kicked Ms. Trichardt repeatedly when she disobeyed their orders to keep her eyes down and not to look. The bandits made off with the night’s proceeds—400,000 rand (roughly $40,000)—as well as the staff’s cellphones. They were never caught.
Anti-white racism in South Africa
Presentation to the South African Human Rights Commission by Ernst Roets Deputy CEO of AfriForum, 16 February 2017
Anti-white racism in South Africa
My name is Ernst Roets. I am the Deputy CEO of AfriForum. AfriForum is a civil rights organisation that operates with the aim of protecting minority rights. Our philosophy is that the test for a healthy democracy is vested in the question of whether minority communities also feel that they are welcome, included and protected. AfriForum’s membership base currently comprises just over 186 000 individual members. Let me state from the outset that if I seem angry or frustrated during my presentation today, it is because I speak for our members. And as a representative, it is my responsibility to convey to you the frustration that our members experience on the issue of racism. However, I am not here simply to convey the frustration, but to explain exactly why our members are frustrated. Firstly, let met state that racism in South Africa is often blown out of perspective. Racism is a problem because of extremists at the fringes of society and not because South Africans are inherently racist. Every study on racism done by independent research organisations that I have ever seen has found that racism is not as big a problem in South Africa as we are led to believe. I mention a long list of statistics in my written submission, which I will not repeat now. It is clear that racism is a problem that deserves attention. To talk of it as if it’s the biggest problem that this country has to face, however, is to reduce a long list of crises that are in fact much more damaging to our society. These include the education crisis, unemployment, crime and corruption, and so forth.
Racism and minority rights
In South Africa, we frequently hear the argument that white people should stop complaining because white people are believed to be rich. This means that white people are “economically dominant” and as a result do not have a right to protection as a minority community. We hear this quite often. There are many sources – particularly the United Nations – that indicate that communities which are small in number but believed to be wealthy are precisely the communities that need protection. If economic status were the determining factor, it would imply that the vast majority of minority communities across the globe who have fallen victim to genocide or ethnic cleansing in the 20th century would not have been entitled to protection as a minority community. This would include the Jews during the Second World War, the Armenians and Greeks of Anatolia, the Muslims in Serbia and the Tutsis in Rwanda. It is precisely this alleged wealth that necessitates the protection of communities which are small in number.
Racism and double standards
On the topic of racism, we find alarming levels of double standards in the manner in which society at large deals with racism. These double standards are particularly also manifested in the manner that the media reports on racism. Let me list some examples of how double standards on racism manifest in our society:
1. Penny Sparrow
Just over a year ago, Penny Sparrow, an unknown estate agent from KwaZulu- Natal, referred to black people who had littered the Durban beachfront as “monkeys”. In contrast, Velaphi Khumalo, an employee of the Provincial Department of Sport, Culture and Recreation, wrote in response to Sparrow’s post that he wanted to cleanse the country of whites and that whites should be treated in the same way that Hitler had treated the Jews. In a second posting he said that white people in South Africa deserved to be butchered like Jews and be killed. What are the differences between Penny Sparrow and Velaphi Khumalo?
– Sparrow was an unknown estate agent, while Khumalo was – and, I believe, still is – a government employee.
– Sparrow offended black people, while Khumalo called for a butchering and genocide of white people.
– Sparrow was fined R150 000, while Khumalo was only subjected to an internal investigation.
2. Hart vs. Xingwana
Standard Bank economist Chris Hart was instantly converted into yet another example of the evil that is white racism when he tweeted that South Africa had an entitlement problem, which had a negative impact on economic growth. On the other hand, Lulu Xingwana, Minister of Women, Children and People with Disabilities, went on international television, making the most atrocious statement imaginable: “Young Afrikaner men are brought up in the Calvinist religion believing that they own a woman, they own a child, they own everything and therefore they can take that life because they own it.” I find this statement extremely offensive. What the Minister did was to go on international television and insult the very core of my identity as a young Afrikaner. What’s the difference between Hart and Xingwana?
– Hart was an economist for a bank, Xingwana still continues to be a Cabinet Minister.
– Hart made an economic observation based on his research, suggesting that many black South Africans have an entitlement mentality, while Xingwana made a false racist attack right at the very core of what a particular minority community holds dear: their religion.
– Hart and Xingwana both apologised; yet Hart was fired, while Xingwana still continues with her job in Cabinet.
Now, imagine for a moment what would happen if a white person went on international television and made the following statement: “The problem with black people is that they are brought up in a culture according to which they become lazy and violent, believing that they can steal whatever they want, because the world owes them everything.” It is of course deplorable and I am convinced that millions of black people would never forgive and trust a white person who said something like this, despite an apology. Why should white people ever trust Xingwana again? Or, for that matter, any member of a Cabinet who shelters racists like that?
DA slams ‘shameless’ Gauteng officials who allegedly ‘stole’ food parcels
The party called on acting MEC for social development Panyaza Lesufi to investigate the allegations.
The Democratic Alliance (DA) claims to have been reliably informed that five DA wards in the Emfuleni Local Municipality have been excluded from the distribution of food parcels while all the ANC Wards benefited. The DA claimed some Gauteng department of social development (DSD) officials and politicians have allegedly been stealing and unfairly distributing food parcels that are meant to assist the financially strained families during this lock-down period. As a result, the South African National Civic Organisation (SANCO) Tshwane branch has opened a corruption case against some DSD officials for allegedly giving food parcels to their own families and not to the poor people. “It is high time that both the department officials and politicians be reminded that these food parcels are meant for the poor so that they have sufficient sustenance during the period of national lock-down and are not be used for political gains,” it said. It further recommended that municipalities’ registers be used to distribute food parcels, after which other means of giving parcels can be explored to accommodate those who qualify but are not on the register. The party called on acting MEC for social development, Panyaza Lesufi, to investigate the allegations. “Should it be found that these allegations are true, those implicated should be dealt with accordingly.
Raped by the System: A Comparison of Prison Rape in the United States and South Africa
Alexandra Ashmont INTRODUCTION: Wimpie, a white boy who was dabbling with dagga, is put in our cell. I don’t know how old he really is, perhaps 16 or more, but he looks no older than 14, with skinny arms and short, spiky-crowned, brown hair. He tries to fight, and so they hit him. His resistance stops abruptly when one grabs the back of his head and smashes his face into the steel bars . . . The 20 men take it in turns to rape him. It goes on for more than eight hours, almost the whole night. The boy does everything he can, in his pathetic, limited range of action, to try to deter them, but he is ignored. He screams, he cries, he begs, he tries to bargain, he prays. . . . It is in the morning, though, that I am forced to see what life has coughed up before me. What’s left of Wimpie is lying in a corridor between the bunks, just in front of my bed. He is still naked, shivering in a pool of his own blood where they have discarded him. I will literally have to step over the small body to go and eat my breakfast.1 This is a description by Gayton McKenzie, a hardened gang member, of the rape of a young white teenager only known as Wimpie. Where is Wimpie today? Probably dead of Aids, or suicide, like so many male victims of gang rape. If he is alive, he might be homeless or addicted to drugs or alcohol like many others who manage to survive the experience; their lives in ruins around them.2 Not only does this story illustrate the brutal reality with-in prison walls, it more importantly illustrates the absolute depraved indifference of everyone in society. Prisoners, like the one telling the story above, are completely desensitized to the extreme violence going on around them. It is so common behind prison bars that prisoners simple accept it as a way of life. To people who have never been imprisoned, this story will impact them very differently, if it even effects them at all. The well-known revolving prison jokes, “don’t drop the soap” and “he’s way to pretty for prison” sum up society’s perception of prisons all around the world. Unfortunately, what people fail to realize is that these sayings are not jokes at all, but a crude way to use humor to cover up the faults of a country’s prison systems. In prisons all around the world, these stories are everything but “jokes,” they are a prisoner’s reality.
WATCH: Arrested Muizenberg protester makes getaway on bike, woman doing yoga ‘verbally abused’
Cape Town – Several arrests were made at a peaceful picket at Surfer’s Corner in Muizenberg beach on Tuesday morning, where surfers demanded the government “let us back in our ocean”.The #BackintheWater campaign believes ocean sports strengthen the immune system in the fight against the corona-virus, but beaches are off-limits during Level 4 of the lock down to prevent large gatherings. One surfer arrested by police, but then made a getaway on a bicycle, with police giving chase on a motorbike. A man holding a small placard, and a paddler, were arrested for “protesting”. Muizenberg resident Samantha Vietri, 30, who was doing yoga on bricks in front of the pavilion, was traumatized after being verbally abused by an “aggressive” police officer, “who was completely attacking me”. She was told by the police officer that she had to be on the move and was “pathetic”, and that he was going to arrest her.
Questions around fairness of business relief fund
With international travel banned and a lock down enforced in many countries, those who earn an income from tourism are struggling. To assist, the government launched a R200 million Tourism Relief Fund. The aim is to provide assistance to small, micro and medium-sized enterprises (SMMEs) by way of a once-off capped grant of R50 000 per entity that qualifies. The fund is for tourism establishments such as resort properties, B&B’s, guest houses, lodges and backpackers, restaurants (not attached to hotels), conference venues (not attached to hotels), car rental companies, tour operators and travel agents. Thoko Didiza, the minister of Agriculture, Land Reform and Rural Development, also announced that B-BBEE would be a factor in allocating R1.2 billion worth of aid to emerging and small-scale farmers. It has been alleged other government ministers would be applying the policy when providing relief in their sectors. Several organizations have threatened legal action on the basis that the pandemic was not the time to implement race-based policies. In a statement, John Steenhuisen, leader of the DA, called on President Cyril Ramaphosa to immediately instruct ministers in his Cabinet to comply with his government’s own assurances that assistance to covid-stricken businesses would be available to all South Africans. He claimed that the party had seen a letter written by Kubayi-Ngubane to James Vos, mayoral committee member for economic opportunities in Cape Town, that her department would be guided by the BEE codes in administering the Tourism Relief Fund. He said there were also indications that relief in the agriculture sector would exclude commercial farmers and would only be available to emerging farmers. “When news broke almost two weeks ago in a leaked draft document by the Department of Small Business Development of the government’s intention to racialise the relief effort, they quickly tried to backtrack. “First, this document, stipulating a 51% black ownership requirement, was called ‘fake news’, but it soon emerged that it was a legitimate, albeit earlier, draft of the government’s SMME relief plan.” He said it was fast becoming apparent that race was always going to be one of the deciding criteria when applying for government assistance. Haniff Hoosen, DA MP, said the government needed to stand up and support all communities in a time of need. “If it is being done so on the basis of race classification, it will have the opposite effect because many people from black/Indian communities also work for establishments owned by white communities and they will suffer the consequences when these establishments shut down.” The Institute of Race Relations labelled the decision discriminatory. Hermann Pretorius, IRR deputy head of policy research, said race-based policies should not be used to determine who received help.
Race controversies hang over Ramaphosa’s relief programme
Race controversies have overshadowed President Cyril Ramaphosa’s relief programme to cushion businesses ravaged by the corona-virus pandemic. Two ministers in Ramaphosa’s cabinet are being taken to court over empowerment conditions being placed on relief funding, moves that could stall the president’s efforts to bring relief for the most vulnerable sectors of the economy being battered by the pandemic. On April 21, Ramaphosa announced a R500bn social and economic package for SA, which was welcomed by business for emphasizing the rescue of small, medium and micro enterprises (SMMEs). Afrikaner rights group AfriForum and trade union Solidarity approached the high court in Pretoria on Tuesday to review and set aside tourism minister Mmamoloko Kubayi-Ngubane’s decision to grant relief funds to distressed firms and establishments in the industry according to broad-based BEE requirements. The case has stalled payment of R300m to businesses in a sector that contributes 7% to GDP and is responsible for 1.5-million jobs or 9.2% of total employment in SA. Judgment in the matter is expected to he delivered by the end of this week. Small-business development minister Khumbudzo Ntshavheni has also been caught up in a race row over relief funds. She is said to have contradicted herself on the empowerment issue, with AfriForum, Solidarity and the DA claiming she might have perjured herself. Ntshavheni is accused of having lied under oath when she said initially that race would not be used as a criterion in giving relief to small businesses affected by the pandemic, only to tell parliament this week that BEE would be used as a criterion.
Six Pretoria cops accused of stealing more than R30 000 at roadblock
National police spokesperson Brigadier Vishnu Naidoo said on Monday that six members attached to the Brooklyn and Silverton police stations in Pretoria were arrested on Saturday after members of the Mpumalanga Anti-Corruption Unit received information that the officers had stolen more than R30 000 in cash from a group of people passing through a roadblock. According to Naidoo, the police officers initially demanded a R100 bribe after realizing that the driver of a sedan and two passengers were not in possession of required documentation. The money was allegedly stolen after the sedan was searched at the roadblock. The Gauteng Department of Community Safet67727ey and the South African Police Service (SAPS) condemned the allegations of corruption leveled against the six officers. In a statement, Gauteng community safety department spokesperson Offense Morwane said it was alleged that the officers stopped a vehicle with three occupants and requested a traveling permit, which the occupants didn’t have. “A bribe of R100 was paid to the officers so that the car can pass the roadblock. The officers also proceeded to search the car and in the process, took the money. The matter was reported and a sting operation was conducted where the amount of R37 900.00 was found in possession of the officers,” Morwane said.
WATCH: Food delivery trucks looted in Bishop Lavis
In one of the videos circulating on social media, a truck can be seen being raided and looters walking away with a variety of hampers. The trucks were allegedly stoned before coming to a halt, with suspects clambering to get their hands on the goods inside. Police spokesperson Noloyiso Rwexana said the swift action taken by police following several incidents of public violence and criminal behavior in Bishop Lavis this afternoon resulted in the arrest of four suspects. “Two of the suspects will be charged of public violence and two for the possession of stolen goods,” Rwexana said.
ANC 108 lays bare Cyril’s failure
The ANC celebrates its 108th anniversary this week. Party leaders, activists and supporters have been gathering in the diamond city of Kimberley since last Sunday, in preparation for the big celebration this weekend. It culminates, as in most years, in a rally at a local stadium attended by thousands dressed in the party’s yellow T-shirts and addressed by its president. He will read the annual January 8 statement, prepared by the national executive committee, which sets out the party’s priorities for the year ahead.
Vodacom and Ace Magashule – Linked Free State contracts scandal
A closely guarded internal Vodacom investigation has flagged a questionable partnership deal between the telecommunications giant and a Free State businessman linked to former premier Ace Magashule. Vodacom has reported the matter to the Zondo Commission and won’t divulge any details on the probe. However, Scorpio’s own months-long investigation sheds light on dealings involving the A.N.C.’s secretary-general that could land some of Vodacom’s top current and former executives, including CEO Shameel Joosub, in hot water.
Why Corruption Killed Dreams of a Better South Africa
WHEN NELSON MANDELA was elected the first Black president of South Africa, in 1994, many hoped that the new South Africa—which had overcome apartheid with unprecedented global support—would become a moral beacon to the world. But allegations of systemic corruption by sections of the African National Congress (ANC)—the party that has governed the country since the end of apartheid— has since dashed this hope.
Former South African president Jacob Zuma, who came to power in 2009, was forced to resign on February 14, 2018, following public outrage about perceived runaway corruption under his presidency. ANC leadership decided to push Zuma out with an eye to keeping its long-suffering supporters onside for the 2019 national election in May. The party went on to win this election under the new leadership of Cyril Ramaphosa—albeit with its smallest majority since the party had been in power (just over 57 percent of the vote, a share that had been declining since the party’s all-time high of nearly 70 percent in 2004). The ANC has a long climb ahead of it to rehabilitate the battered image of South Africa—both in the eyes of the world and in the eyes of the citizens it has led for twenty-five years.
They Eat Money
VREDE, South Africa — With loudspeakers blaring, city officials drove across the black township’s dirt roads in a pickup truck, summoning residents to the town hall. The main guest was a local figure who had soared up the ranks of the governing African National Congress and come back with an enticing offer.
Over the next few hours, the visiting political boss, Mosebenzi Joseph Zwane, sold them on his latest deal: a government-backed dairy farm that they, as landless black farmers, would control. They would get an ownership stake in the business, just by signing up. They would go to India for training, all expenses paid. To hear him tell it, the dairy would bring jobs to the impoverished, help build a clinic and fix the roads.
$150 billion in pension funds at heart of South Africa scandal
South Africans are accustomed to government mismanagement and corruption. They’ve suffered for years from periodic blackouts at state-owned power utility Eskom Holdings SOC Ltd., seen money flow out of the national airline and are routinely asked to pay off cops who’ve pulled them over. The latest scandal, though, has the potential to reach wider and deeper. It’s about whether the company that manages $150 billion of retirement funds for more than 1.2 million government workers has invested its money properly — a question that could touch every taxpayer in Africa’s most industrialized economy. The unfolding crisis at the Public Investment Corp. shows just how deep South African President Cyril Ramaphosa will have to dig to eradicate endemic corruption and restore the reputation of the government. Even the country’s powerful unions, which in the past have steadfastly supported the ruling African National Congress, are raising questions, and national elections lie ahead in May. Public hearings have revealed that the PIC, which invests on behalf of the Government Employees Pension Fund, is highly exposed to Eskom, which is struggling with power-station outages, regular blackouts and 419 billion rand ($30 billion) in debt. Not only does the PIC own 20% of all outstanding bonds of Eskom, it holds a fifth of South African-listed bonds and inflation-linked debt and nearly 10% of the Johannesburg benchmark stock index. The PIC’s “investments in government-issued bonds and state-owned entities have been made in line with clients’ mandates and that large portions of these are government-guaranteed,” said Dean Botha, PIC’s head of corporate affairs. “Both the government and state owned entities have been honoring their debt to the PIC.”…
Mandela – “Madiba” – The Truth
Do you know for sure why was Mandela in jail? And it is NOT because of the so-called “apartheid” system but he was there for more than one reason – Sabotage is one of it. People think it was about “apartheid” but no, get the real facts why he and others were jailed. They did not fight against white domination, but to control the whole country as is today – with revolution, chaos, protests and killing each other. That is not any form of democracy or free society.
Read about the Judgement in the Supreme Court of South Africa: the State versus Nelson Mandela and others . https://www.aluka.org/stable/10.5555/al.sff.document.tri19640600.032.019.v31
Sabotage and explosives were part of the ANC liberal movement strategy to kill the economy of the country, the people – before and after 1994. They planned it all with the assistance of various communist countries to wipe peoples out.
When did Mandela or De Klerk dismantled the so called “apartheid”? If that was the case, explain then to the White minority and all the overseas governments what are the Ingonyama Trust land (only for the Zulu people) and the thousands of land claims or registered CPA then about, like Richtersveld CPA was one of 6 huge areas given to the Khoi San people in 2007 by Thabo Mbeki?
Explain then the legislation’s of two different traditional houses, what is the 8840 traditional leaders and separate traditional houses about. Explain what is the Articles in the Constitution about the segregation still going on today. If Homelands are believed as “apartheid” then those still living in those separate land claims or registered CPA Trust lands are also “apartheid”….
Nelson Mandela “Kill Whites” and “Mandela’s Proposal”
MK in the video is a reference to Umkhonto we Sizwe, it was formed by ANC leaders and was its armed wing. Mandela was secretly appointed its commander in chief—which the ANC has now come pretty close to publicly verifying.
MK carried out terror attacks at shopping centers, movie theaters and other civilian targets, not just “establishment” ones like courts and banks.
It’s inconceivable to me that people have a image of Mandela being a peaceful, loving man his entire life. Quite the contrary. Here is Mandela in his own words when, the gloves came off…
http://www.economicpolicyjournal.com/2013/12/video-nelson-mandela-sings-kill-whites.html http://www.sahistory.org.za/umkhonto-we-sizwe-mk-and-armed-struggle http://www.sahistory.org.za/topic/umkhonto-wesizwe-mk
By the end of 1960, popular resistance seemed to be crushed. The flames of the burning passes had been put out by the bullets of Sharpeville and Langa. The week long stay-away called for the 19 April 1960 failed to raise the spirit of a dejected people. Those liberation leaders who escaped the massive state clampdown slipped out of the country to begin re-organising resistance from abroad. For Mandela, this was the turning point. “If the government reaction is to crush by naked force our non-violent struggle,” he told a gathering of local and foreign press in a safe house, “we will have to reconsider our tactics. In my mind we are closing a chapter on this question of a non-violent policy.”
Cheers at chants of ‘one American, one bullet’ outside US embassy in Pretoria
PRETORIA – A threat of ‘one bullet, one American’ was cheered when shouted outside the United States embassy in Pretoria on Thursday as hundreds of picketers protested US foreign policy in the Middle East. “The Americans are the biggest terrorists around the world. They committed terrorism against Cuba, Venezuela, and many other countries in South America. Now they have decided that the Middle East is their home base. Our message is that there is no home for you, otherwise you will go home in your coffins. Very soon, you will hear a slogan of ‘one bullet one American,” said Sheikh Shuaib Booley, chairperson of the Ahlul Bayt Islamic Council of South Africa, to cheers from the crowd. Booley led the crowd in chanting “Allahu Akbar” as embassy employees watched from a distance. He was later stopped by officials before he could enter the building as part of a delegation set to hand over a memorandum. Also at the protest was SACP secretary-general Solly Mapaila, who said his organisation and alliance partners would be taking part in rolling mass action to protest US meddling in the region. “The entire alliance movement will be organising a series of activities here at the US Embassy (in Pretoria), at their offices in Durban, at their offices in Cape Town, and in Johannesburg. “We will be [taking part in] rolling mass action activities across the board until the USA leaves the Middle East. It must withdraw its entire force out of the Middle East,” said Mapaila while addressing the crowd. Police were closely guarding the embassy premises as the crowd of SACP and ANC members, and others, criticised president Donald Trump for the assassination of top Iranian general Qasem Soleimani, who was killed in a US drone strike in Iraq earlier this month. “We will be rolling-out this mass action as the alliance to ensure that at least peace is attained worldwide. In particular, the US government should know that we are unhappy about its action of destabilising nations of the world,” said Mapaila. “We oppose US imperialism. We oppose US aggression. We are for all humanity, that we should all live in peace. We are saying no to war, no to attacks, and no to sanctions against democratic states including the Islamic State of Iran.”